Guidelines for Part 1 of the Unit 2 Exam:
For Part 1 of the Unit 2 Exam, read the two documents attached above and examine the image located below and attached above. Using the documents, the image, and the textbook write an essay answering the questions listed below. Grades will be based on the content of the answer and must be more than 400 words in length. Direct quotes do not count toward the required word count.
NOTE: Read all of document 1. Document 2 is 20 pages long, but you only need to focus on pages 5-10, especially the highlighted portions. Here is a youtube link to actor Mark Ruffalo performing the highlighted portions of the speech in document 2: https://youtu.be/zuGp-0G1p4M
Part 1 Questions: 
1. In document 1, how does Woodrow Wilson justify his support for American involvement in World War I?
2. In document 2, how does Eugene V. Debs justify his opposition to World War I?
3. What elements of the image above reflect the ideas presented in documents 1 and 2? How do you think imagery like this affected American perceptions about Germans and World War I?
4. Based on your lecture notes and the textbook, as well as the documents and the image, explain why the United States intervened in World War I.DOCUMENT 2

Eugene V. Debs Anti-War Speech at Canton, Ohio (1918)

Document Background: On June 16, 1918, Eugene V. Debs, leader of the Socialist Party of America and outspoken critic of World War I, delivered this speech in Canton, Ohio. As a result of this speech, Debs was charged with violating the Espionage Act of 1918 and sentenced to ten years in prison.

Highlighted sections: Transcript of an abridged version of the speech performed by actor Mark Ruffalo in 2008. Link – https://youtu.be/zuGp-0G1p4M

Eugene V. Debs:
Comrades, friends and fellow-workers, for this very cordial greeting, this very hearty reception, I thank you all with the fullest appreciation of your interest in and your devotion to the cause for which I am to speak to you this afternoon.

To speak for labor; to plead the cause of the men and women and children who toil; to serve the working class, has always been to me a high privilege; a duty of love.

I have just returned from a visit over yonder, where three of our most loyal comrades are paying the penalty for their devotion to the cause of the working class. They have come to realize, as many of us have, that it is extremely dangerous to exercise the constitutional right of free speech in a country fighting to make democracy safe in the world.

I realize that, in speaking to you this afternoon, there are certain limitations placed upon the right of free speech. I must be exceedingly careful, prudent, as to what I say, and even more careful and prudent as to how I say it. I may not be able to say all I think; but I am not going to say anything that I do not think. I would rather a thousand times be a free soul in jail than to be a sycophant and coward in the streets. They may put those boys in jail—and some of the rest of us in jail—but they can not put the Socialist movement in jail. Those prison bars separate their bodies from ours, but their souls are here this afternoon. They are simply paying the penalty that all men have paid in all the ages of history for standing erect, and for seeking to pave the way to better conditions for mankind.

If it had not been for the men and women who, in the past, have had the moral courage to go to jail, we would still be in the jungles.

This assemblage is exceedingly good to look upon. I wish it were possible for me to give you what you are giving me this afternoon. What I say here amounts to but little; what I see here is exceedingly important. You workers in Ohio, enlisted in the greatest cause ever organized in the interest of your class, are making history today in the face of threatening opposition of all kinds—history that is going to be read with profound interest by coming generations.

There is but one thing you have to be concerned about, and that is that you keep foursquare with the principles of the international Socialist movement. It is only when you begin to compromise that trouble begins. So far as I am concerned, it does not matter what others may say, or tDOCUMENT 1

Address by Woodrow Wilson, “The World Must Be Made Safe for Democracy” (1917)

Document Background: President Wilson delivered this address to Congress on April 2, 1917. In response to Germany’s increasingly indiscriminate submarine warfare against American merchant and passenger vessels, Wilson requested that Congress declare war. He was not content, however, to lead the nation to war merely in self-defense. Instead, he argued that America would be fighting to make the world “safe for democracy.” He later outlined this broader goal in his Fourteen Points.

Woodrow Wilson:
I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making. On the 3rd of February last, I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German government that on and after the 1st day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.
That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats. The precautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, as was proved in distressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed.
The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, have been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.
I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by any government that had hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law whi




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